Common Ground News Service

Facts, not drones, to fight terrorism

by Ken Ballen — Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Washington, DC - During the course of six years as a federal prosecutor and investigator I interviewed at great length more than 100 radicals and terrorists who fought in the name of Islam. I chronicled the stories of many of these extremists leaving the path of violence when exposed to the corruption of the Taliban and Al Qaeda.

Ahmad al-Shayea, a 19-year-old Saudi, went to Iraq to fight Americans partly because he saw photos online of tortured prisoners at Abu Ghraib. His is a story of disenchantment � one that many other young Muslim men told me.

When arriving in Iraq with some 45 would-be fighters from all over the Arab world, an Al Qaeda leader exhorted Ahmad and his fellow recruits to undertake suicide missions, but no one volunteered. As Ahmad later explained, he came to Iraq to defend the honour of Islam against Abu Ghraib and American torture, �not die right away in a suicide bombing before I could even help a single soul.� But Al Qaeda had other ideas. After four months in virtual isolation and no training, Al Qaeda leaders deceived Ahmad into driving a truck loaded with explosives which they remotely detonated in Baghdad.

Miraculously, Ahmad survived, but woke to � in his words � �the lie that is Al Qaeda.� He now wanted nothing more than to expose how �Al Qaeda is not for Islam and humanity. I am a living example of Al Qaeda�s hellfire�I want everyone to see how Al Qaeda tricked me into killing innocent people.�

Ahmad is not alone. Another young Saudi, Abdullah, fought in Iraq because he saw it as the only way to marry his sweetheart in heaven, as he could not afford the dowry to marry her on earth. Yet when Abdullah witnessed firsthand the duplicity, corruption and sectarian power grab of Al Qaeda�s leaders, he realised their struggle was anything but a �holy war�. Similarly, Malik � an Afghan refugee who grew up in Pakistan, joined the Taliban and even became a seer, interpreting dreams for Taliban leader Mullah Omar � over time personally saw the theft of oil and other commodities by Taliban leaders.

These stories and others bear telling witness to how Al Qaeda and the Taliban manipulate idealistic young Muslim men to follow a hateful ideology that kills untold innocents, largely other Muslims. Indeed, perhaps the most influential weapon against Osama bin Laden would have been to frequently re-broadcast an impromptu December 2001 taping in which bin Laden laughed when recounting that some of the foot soldiers from Asir in the south of Saudi Arabia � who participated in the 9/11 hijackings � were never told they had embarked on a suicide mission until the very end. Likewise, Anwar al-Awlaki, the Al Qaeda leader killed by an American drone strike in Yemen in September 2011, had been arrested three times for soliciting prostitutes in San Diego and the Washington, DC area. Disseminating the detailed records of these arrests would have accomplished more to discredit his cause than the drone strike that killed him.

Bearing witness to the reality of Al Qaeda and Taliban leaders is a far more constructive and effective way to weaken them than reducing this struggle to assassination by American drone attacks. Our ultimate danger lies less in particular men, but their message of extremism. Our ultimate hope lies in the courageous Muslims who have led the path away from radical hatred. Through a policy that emphasises killing alone, current US actions may in the end serve to harden the resolve of the most recalcitrant, rather than help peel away the potentially disillusioned. Exposing the truth could prove the most powerful deterrent.

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* Ken Ballen is the author of Terrorists in Love: The Real Lives of Islamic Radicals and President of Terror Free Tomorrow, a non-profit organisation that researches attitudes toward extremism. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 31 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

On the revolution's anniversary, men stand up for women�s rights in Egypt

by Alice Hackman — Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Cairo - On 25 January, hope filled the air as Egyptian activists took to the streets in tens of thousands on the anniversary of the revolution, this time asking for a new president before a new constitution. Stories from the square were mostly of renewed optimism � but there were also a few stories of sexual harassment.

Many women have stood up to demand a change, and alongside them a few men, who are demonstrating the important role that they too must play in stopping such behaviour.

Sexual harassment at protests is not a popular topic in Egypt as activists fear that it will give ammunition to state media to tarnish their revolution, and English language newspapers who write about it are accused of sensationalism. But it happens, and Egyptian women are speaking up about it. In December 2010 some of them started HarassMap, a Google map used to collect and locate complaints as evidence.

Samira Ibrahim, a detained activist, made headlines recently when she won a groundbreaking suit against the military for performing a �virginity test� during her detention. Her victory showed those in denial about the problem that it is a reality.

Similarly, reporting incidents of harassment on a map shows people that these happen too.

But women�s efforts need to be accompanied by those of men so that when a girl shouts at an aggressor in a public space, men step forward alongside them to immediately condemn such actions.

Unfortunately, harassers are unlikely to value women�s opinions as much as their male peers�, so the latter must speak up in support of women.

Meet Wael, Mohammed and Ahmed, three young men who are making a difference, standing up for women � each in their own way.

In November, Wael al-Sana�aani, 26, was sitting in a tent just outside Tahrir Square in Cairo where he and fellow protesters were lobbying the Arab League on behalf of the Yemeni revolution. From this vantage point he saw a girl set upon by a group of young men. They had pushed her against the metal railing in the middle of the road in front of him. �I ran in like Rambo,� Wael told me a few days later, re-enacting the motions of scooping her up in his arms and rushing her back to the safety of the tent. He hid her behind some wooden boards and fought off the young men who came to claim the girl. �They said they were security officers, but I knew better,� he said. When a family finally drove past, he bundled her into the car and asked them to take her home.

But is a single heroic action enough? Egyptian Mohammed el-Hateeb, 24, thinks talking is just as important. In Cairo�s tourist market, Khan el-Khalili, he once caught a tout telling a tourist she was �hot and spicy�. �What you�re doing is wrong!� he informed the young man.

�Who�s doing anything right nowadays?� was the man�s reply.

Mohammed is a community outreach volunteer with HarassMap, whose Arabic name, Imsik Mutaharrish, literally means �Catch a Harasser�. Fifty per cent of HarassMap volunteers are men. As one, he speaks to men who stand or sit in the street: doormen, vegetable sellers, men in coffee shops. He explains man-to-man that cat-calling and groping is not manly, and encourages them to intervene instead when a woman is harassed. This February, he will take part in training more young men to help him.

And then, there is Ahmed Awadalla, 27, who is an outspoken defender of human rights. When he lost his father at a young age, he and his four sisters were brought up by their mother and he saw how women face many more difficulties than men in their access to basic human rights like health and education. Today, he writes openly about gender issues, discrimination and human rights violations in English on his blog Rebel With a Cause, and is a programme director for an Egyptian non-governmental organisation focusing on reproductive and sexual health education. It is important to speak out about harassment, he says, and it is important for men to rally behind women�s rights because the country�s gender gap is impeding its development.

The world needs more men like these.

Awadalla�s words echoed those of Hibaaq Osman, the founder of the Egyptian�s women�s rights organisation Karama. �What�s good for women is good for Egypt�, she told the audience at the Change Your World summit this January in Cairo, which focused on women�s use of technology to create positive change. And what�s good for women is good for the rest of the world too. It all starts with a little respect.

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*Alice Hackman is a freelance journalist in Cairo. You can follow @harassmap on Twitter.
This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 31 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Overcoming Islamophobia in US elections

by Muqtedar Khan — Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Newark, Delaware - Islam has become an important part of American discourse leading up to the 2012 federal elections and candidates everywhere appear eager to take a position on Islam for political gain. Across the country, rising Islamophobia has made it difficult for some Muslims to build mosques and practice their faith, although their right to do so is enshrined in the First Amendment of the US Constitution.

In the current race for the presidential nomination, some presidential candidates are invoking Islam and Muslims in a negative fashion in an attempt to bolster their popularity with populations they perceive to be suspicious of Muslims or Islam. For example, if elected, former presidential candidate Herman Cain promised not to appoint Muslims to his cabinet.

This is representative of recent trends. In 2010, some Republican Congressional candidates used the proposed Park 51 Muslim community centre, famously branded as the �ground-zero mosque�, and fear of sharia, the principles from which Islamic law is derived, to rally voters to their cause. And elected Congressional leaders, such as Peter King (R-NY), have used their committee appointments to argue that American Muslims are deeply radicalised, a fact repeatedly debunked by several surveys and reports.

However, there are others within the Republican Party who eschew this rhetoric, such as presidential candidates Mitt Romney and Ron Paul, as well as others like Governor Chris Christie of New Jersey, who appointed American Muslim Sohail Mohammed as a state judge despite much opposition.

Individual tolerance or fear of different groups is not confined to political elites. A September 2011 study conducted by two think tanks, Brookings Institution and Public Religion Research Institute, found that over 47 per cent of Americans say Islam and American values are incompatible and similar numbers express discomfort with Islam in America.

Many events have combined to create distaste for Islam and Muslims in the minds of some Americans: the attacks of 11 September 2001, the resultant decade long �war on terror� involving American military action in Iraq and Afghanistan, several attempted terrorist attacks by Muslims in America and negative coverage of political and social events in the Muslim world. The present manifestations of Islamophobia are the consequences of a very complex sequence of events and narratives emerging as a result of those events.

Yet rather than resorting to Muslim-bashing, American leaders should show their potential to lead by taking on the more difficult task of combating intolerance. After all, this country was founded on the ideals of religious tolerance, pluralism and democratic freedom.

It is not difficult to make the case that American Muslims are well integrated and a positive asset to the nation. A major study published by the research and polling organisation Gallup in August 2011 shows that American Muslims are well integrated and loyal citizens. Indeed, it also shows that Islamophobia is not impacting the economic well-being of most American Muslims.

I understand why some 2012 presidential candidates are succumbing to the temptation of exploiting intolerance since negative attitudes towards Islam among Republicans are higher than the national trend, according to the September 2011 Brookings poll. But this is also an opportunity for these candidates to demonstrate that they are truly presidential, that they understand the spirit of the US Constitution and that they are determined to uphold it in spite of what campaign strategists might recommend.

Presidential candidates need not play to the lowest common denominator. Many non-Muslim political and religious leaders, both laity and clergy, have in recent years engaged in systematic interfaith dialogue with Muslims. Many of them have stood up for their Muslim friends and for American Muslims in general when Islamophobic incidents have taken place, usually in the form of opposition to mosque building or false accusations against Muslim leaders.

The conservative ranks are packed with sensible leaders, such as Governor Christie and evangelical Christian pastor Rick Warren, who have successfully reached out to American Muslims. Warren, who leads a large church in southern California, spoke at The Islamic Society of North America�s annual conference in July 2011, despite receiving criticism for his appearance. At the conference, Warren called for Muslims and Christians to work together.

Republican candidates should draw on these leaders and their expertise. By showing presidential leadership in combating intolerance the result would ultimately be good for these candidates� campaigns, as well as for the general inter-religious environment in the country.

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* Dr. Muqtedar Khan is Associate Professor at the University of Delaware and a Fellow of the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding. His website is www.ijtihad.org. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 31 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

A brighter future for Bahrain

by Dr. Abdulla Elmadani — Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Manama - A report was released two months ago by the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI), an independent body established by the monarchy to document the violence against demonstrators who called for reform last spring and provide recommendations for future government policies. It demonstrates that excessive practices were used by the government to rein in demonstrators � including painful and at times lethal human rights abuse.

No government should perpetrate such acts against its citizens. Bahrain�s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa has acknowledged the tragedy, begun the process of identifying and prosecuting its perpetrators and called for reform, which are necessary steps.

The tragic confrontations between demonstrators and government forces here last year filled me and my fellow citizens with sorrow. These violent crackdowns left dozens of demonstrators dead and many more wounded, while an unknown number experienced harsh interrogation practices while in prison.

As a Bahraini who has spent his whole life in the country, I believe that the best way to remember and redress this tragedy is for the people and government together to formulate a new strategy of cooperation, and to achieve meaningful political and social reforms that would strengthen the country by empowering all of its citizens.

Many factors caused the protests. Some stemmed from outside our country, others from inside. Some demonstrators voiced Egyptian- and Tunisian-style demands for the downfall of the monarchy, whereas others aired specific grievances that could potentially be redressed without a revolution, as was the case in Morocco and Jordan. These concerns are similar to those which people share throughout the region: corruption among elites; inequality when it comes to economic opportunity; and a lack of checks and balances between the executive, the judiciary and the parliament.

Our tiny country of 1,200,000 people has a native population in which Shia Muslims outnumber Sunni Muslims. Some of the long-term political and social tensions have been ascribed to the fact that a Sunni monarchy governs � but sectarianism by itself does not explain people�s disaffection: there are wealthy and powerful Shia as well as poor and dispossessed Sunnis.

To redress these wrongs in a just way, both government institutions and those who seek change need to take steps forward. The monarchy, for its part, should foster a system of checks and balances in which the existing elected parliament achieves greater authority and the judiciary gains independence from both the legislative and executive branches. It would also be wise for the monarchy to foster the establishment of an anti-corruption body with independent investigative powers.

For these measures to proceed successfully, the public needs to play a role too. Citizens should more actively engage their elected representatives, and develop their own campaigns to press for the redress of their grievances within the framework of the legal system. Our courts, such as they are, have not been sufficiently tested by the public as a means of redress. It is essential that individuals begin to make use of the court system.

Given a new environment in which the monarchy encourages, and marginalised Bahrainis pursue, greater equality within existing government institutions and the legal system, it behoves all elites in the country to enhance these institutions� and systems� credibility through measures of their own.

It is widely agreed that the monarchy should end the sort of extra-judicial arrests and violence that occurred during the weeks of confrontation. At the same time, the monarchy should stop the sort of politically motivated mass pardons that followed the confrontation.

The legal system is compromised when criminals escape judicial proceedings, as much as it is compromised when innocent individuals are denied a fair trial. And while the population as a whole turns to legislators and courts to demand that they have equal opportunities � regardless of religious orientation or gender � members of Bahrain's business elite should encourage each other to submit to the supremacy of the law and the principle of equal accountability under it. We need a full-court press in the struggle against corruption and nepotism.

Such notions of reform may only be the beginning of a long and involved process which will not happen overnight. But let the discussion � and the first steps � begin.

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* Dr. Abdulla Elmadani is an Associate Professor of International Relations and Asian Studies in Bahrain. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 31 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Crossing boundaries on a train from Tel Aviv to Be�er Sheva

by Ariel Katz — Tue, 31 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Brighton, United Kingdom - I am on the train, travelling south from Tel Aviv to Be�er Sheva. Three Bedouin women dressed in hijab (headscarves) enter the train ahead of me and my daughter, each with a toddler. They see there are no seats together, so they opt to sit on the floor, near the doors. I find seats for myself and my daughter. Across the aisle from us sits a man with a kipah, a cap worn by Orthodox Jewish men. A Bedouin woman in hijab and her toddler sit facing him. The toddler is cranky; she is tired of sitting on mother's lap. She wants to explore. Her mother holds her firmly as she squirms and whines, trying to pacify her. Because she is using simple Arabic language for a three year-old, I can understand every word.

It is one of those unpleasant situations that happens all the time, and usually is tolerated in silence, as if it were unnoticed. In this instance, the young man with the kipah reaches into his backpack and withdraws a completed Rubik's Cube, a puzzle made of interlocking squares. He hands it to the mother who carefully twists the top row of squares to show her daughter it can move.

When the toddler realises she will never find out what is inside the cube, she becomes cranky again, and the mother thanks the man, returning it. We sit with the toddler's discomfort for a while. Then the Jewish man starts to fold and tear the advertisement flyer that has been left on the table between them. He is making the child something out of the paper using Japanese origami. She becomes engaged in his actions and quiets. He makes a swan and demonstrates how it can flap its wings by pulling on its head and tail. The woman accepts it and plays with her daughter. They are happy. The swan reminds me of a dove. The man speaks to the mother in Hebrew, telling her she has a lovely daughter. The mother thanks him in Hebrew and asks if he has children. He says he has younger siblings. She speaks some Hebrew and they have a simple conversation.

After a while the girl tires of the swan and the mother allows her to squirm off her lap to stand in the aisle beside her. The girl reaches over to my daughter's armrest, and comes to say hello to us. She has noticed our interest in the unfolding story of the Jew and the Arab. We smile and welcome her to our side of the aisle. My daughter is wearing a skirt and the toddler puts her hand on my daughter's leg. Her little fingers weave under the wide lace of my daughter's tights to feel her bare skin. She smiles. Her mother directs her to come back, saying, "ta'ali". I cheekily contradict the mother in Arabic and tell her, �khalleeki�, stay. "Khalleek" is a central word in Arabic � it is said when a guest makes a move to leave the host's house. It is polite to beg the guest to stay, even if it is clear the time has come to go. I play with this cultural imperative. "Stay with us." You have crossed a border into our space, but you are welcome here. We are no longer strangers.

The mom blushes when she hears my Arabic � it is the Arabic of someone who has been welcomed into the intimacy of Arab community. She had seen the American in me, talking to my children in English, reading an academic paper, dressed in torn jeans. Now she blushes and mumbles in embarrassment, expressing her realisation that I have understood every word between her daughter and herself. She is not used to being understood by Jewish Israelis, never mind foreigners.

This Bedouin woman had opted to sit in the seats, integrating with others. In this situation, we formed our own community � the religious single Jewish man with origami and a Rubik's Cube, the American family who understood Hebrew and Arabic, the Bedouin mother and child trying to survive the journey. We Jews intruded upon them, acknowledging the developmental stage of the daughter, one we had all observed in our own families. We connected to the difficult situation of the mother, to keep the child quiet for the passengers on the train while coping with the boredom of the journey.

The child will return to her village, which may be recognised or unrecognised by the Israeli government. But today, she will return knowing that she has been recognised. Even a journey like this is an opportunity to create community.

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* Ariel Katz studied Middle Eastern Studies at Cornell University. She now works as a play therapist. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 31 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Calling it sharia shouldn't make it scary

by Jon Pahl — Tue, 24 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Philadelphia - What�s so scary about sharia, or Islamic legal principles? According to a recent decision from a US Federal Appellate Court � one level below the Supreme Court � not much.

The recent decision of the 10th Circuit Court effectively blocks implementation of Oklahoma Law 755, also called the �Save Our State� measure. Law 755 was passed as a constitutional amendment by 70 per cent of Oklahoma voters in November 2010. Along with prohibiting courts from using �international law�, it also expressly �forbids courts from considering or using Sharia Law�. Similar laws have passed in Tennessee and Louisiana and comparable bills are pending in at least 20 states.

The 10th Circuit Court received the case after US District Judge Vicki Miles-LaGrange decided in favour of Muneer Awad, Executive Director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations in Oklahoma, who had sued to block the law. He claimed Law 755 violated his rights to religious freedom, which are protected by the First Amendment of the US Constitution.

The three-judge panel that issued the ruling against Law 755 did so largely for procedural reasons, claiming Awad had grounds to raise First Amendment issues. Law 755, they agreed, expressly condemned only one religion, Islam, thus violating the establishment clause of the US Constitution, which dictates that the government cannot favour one religion. Finally, the judges also suggested there was little reason for Law 755. Supporters of Law 755 admitted �they did not know of even a single instance where an Oklahoma court had applied Sharia law�.

This issue�s salience here in the United States is symbolic, it isn�t really about law. While the term �sharia� sounds scary to lots of Americans, the irony is that many who think they are opposed to sharia would be only too happy to support many of its general claims. For instance, those who claim to mistrust it would often love to have Americans (and perhaps especially lawyers and judges) pay more attention to the Ten Commandments � a kind of reasoning encouraged by sharia.

Decades ago, Princeton University professor Edward S. Corwin published a still-used short book entitled The �Higher Law� Background of American Constitutional Law, which should be assigned reading for anybody wary of sharia. According to Corwin, American constitutional law was founded not only upon Enlightenment philosophical notions, but also upon theological affirmations. In fact, he suggested, American jurisprudence rested on a deep ethic that was quite congenial to transcendent �higher� reasoning.

At root, sharia asserts this fact. This was what the Anglican Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams, was trying to say in 2008 when he opined in a BBC interview that �there are perfectly proper ways the law of the land pays respect to custom and community; that�s already there.�

As Williams discovered, much of the furore over his comments has focused on issues prone to sensationalism. Different customs have developed in Western democracies and Muslim majority countries regarding property (especially borrowing and lending) and family life (especially monogamy and divorce). But these contrasts could just as easily be applied to England and the United States a century ago and England and the United States today. Divorce laws in particular have changed dramatically.

In the vast majority of cases, there is no conflict between Islamic legal principles and the jurisprudence of English common law or American constitutional law. One reason for this is that the �higher law� backgrounds of the different traditions in fact share an Abrahamic ethic: the social covenant to command the good and prohibit the evil. As expressed in A Common Word, a consensus document between Muslim and Christian religious leaders, Muslims share two basic ethical principles with Jews and Christians: love God and love your neighbour � as well as other core values.

US courts have the responsibility to uphold constitutional rights. Other scholars and professionals have responsibilities to educate the public and dispel myths about sharia.

For example, the American Bar Association recently sponsored a webinar entitled �Dispelling the Sharia Threat Myth�. And Muslim scholars have been offering clarifications, among them �Dispelling Myths about Sharia� by Imam Mustapha Elturk. According to Elturk, sharia is a set of principles that guides Muslims to secure five �protections�: faith, life, family, property, and intellect. In this sense sharia is analogous to the �higher law� background of American Constitutional law. The challenge is in the application. After all, consider the debate in Western tradition about how to apply the commandment �Thou shalt not kill.�

Sharia is bound to resurface in the 2012 US presidential campaign. The way to move forward is to point out demagogues and allay fears of those concerned. The debate over sharia might even help us define a clearer role for religious reasoning in public life. In short, it might help us find common ground.

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* Jon Pahl, Ph.D. is Professor of the History of Christianity in North American and Director of MA Programs at the Lutheran Theological Seminary at Philadelphia. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 24 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

The Arab Spring is an opportunity for Israel

by Natalia Simanovsky — Tue, 24 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Tel Aviv - The Israeli government and security establishment are viewing the sweeping changes in the Middle East and North African region with apprehension. While it is human nature to fear the unknown, the recent developments represent a window of opportunity for reshaping the region.

That is not to say that the dangers facing Israel are imagined; Israel must now contend with the consequences of the removal of its biggest ally in the region, Hosni Mubarak, and face a newly-elected government whose position on matters relating to the Jewish state are uncertain at best.

While not underestimating the challenges facing Israel as it tries to navigate its way through uncharted territory, the new regional order could present Israel with interesting strategic opportunities. Israel, however, has to be cognisant of the nuances being presented.

The Arab Spring and the new landscape that has emerged in its wake have led to a number of developments, including genuine free elections in Tunisia. Yet many in Israel see the rise of the Islamic political party Al Nahda as the precursor to strong anti-Western and anti-Israel sentiment, viewing Al Nahda as an ideological ally with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. But parties which use Islam as the backdrop to their policies are not monolithic as many incorrectly assume.

In Tunisia, the elections resulted in a majority win for both liberal and moderate Islamic parties. Yes, Al Nahda won 40 per cent of the vote, but it has to share power with secular and centre-left parties. That Tunisia may witness a resurgence of religious values in the public sphere is not an existential threat to Israel.

As for Egypt, its elections have resulted in a victory for the Muslim Brotherhood, with the hardline Salafist Al Nour Party coming in second. While the victory of Al Nour could be worrisome, there is reason for cautious optimism. First, the Muslim Brotherhood of 2012 is not the same party it was 10 or 50 years ago. The evolution of the organisation over the years is marked by a pragmatic approach with regard to gender equality and other democratic principles � and with regard to peace with Israel.

As for reports in the media that once in power the organisation will revoke the Israeli-Egyptian treaty or put it to a referendum, this is far from certain. Frequently parties make pledges, yet internal and external considerations lead to changed strategies once in power. Moreover one of the biggest incentives to ensure the peace treaty continues is the approximately $2 billion worth of aid given to Egypt every year by the United States, especially useful for the new government.

Rather than perceive the handover of power from the military to the civilian government as a threat, Israel could form a relationship with the new government, most notably in the area of security. Continued security cooperation between Israel and the Egyptian military (as they strive to drive out insurgents in the Sinai) could serve as a conduit for positive long-term change for both countries.

Closer to home, Israel would also be wise to take advantage of the uncertainty enveloping Hamas. The difference in opinion over moderating Hamas policies as a consequence of the instability of the Assad regime have led to power struggles between the leadership in Damascus, who advocate a more moderate line and the leadership in Gaza, who do not.

Reportedly, Egypt, Qatar and Turkey are playing a key role in persuading Hamas to end the armed resistance against Israel. Khalid Meshaal, who was the leader of the Hamas political bureau in Syria and promoted a moderate line in regard to relations with Israel, resigned a few days ago. But this does not necessarily mean an abdication of the moderate approach. Even in March 2011 when I conducted an interview with Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad, Fatah was working toward getting Hamas to implicitly abandon violence against Israel as one of the objectives for reconciliation.

With Meshaal's deputy chief, Gaza-born Mousa Abu Marzouq, as his likely successor, the trend toward moderation may not be in peril � as he too is believed to support Fatah-Hamas reconciliation and moderation. Marzouq has been a senior Hamas official since the early 1990s and his stance regarding the occupation borders on pragmatism, as demonstrated by his articles published in the Western press.

The challenges for Israel in this unsteady and dynamic environment are certainly formidable, but with challenges come opportunities. If Israel can approach the developments creatively as well as cautiously, the changing landscape may herald the potential for favourable developments for Israel in particular, and the wider Middle East.

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* Natalia Simanovsky has worked as a research officer at various think tanks in North America and the Middle East. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 24 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

An Indonesian�s hopes for the US role in the Asia Pacific

by Singgih Nugroho — Tue, 24 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Salatiga, Indonesia - US President Barack Obama's November visit to Bali in November 2011 to attend the 19th Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and East Asia Summits was his second official visit to Indonesia in his role as president. In November 2010 he gave a speech at the University of Indonesia in which he praised the country for successfully reconciling Islam and democracy, as well as its ability to manage diversity democratically. This praise was undoubtedly welcomed by many. However, many Indonesians find these words at odds with recent US policy in the region and feel that more must be done to improve relations between the two countries.

In late November, before his arrival in Bali, Obama announced the deployment of a Marine Air-Ground Task Force of 2,500 in Darwin, Australia � a mere 800 kilometres away from Indonesia � for the first time since World War II.

This decision surprised and worried many Indonesians. While most analysts and politicians believe the move is related to the United States� relationship with China, some Indonesians fear that the presence of US troops will create tensions and mistrust between the two countries. For many, a US military presence so close to their shore is at the very least seen as too close for comfort.

At the summit in Bali, Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa commented on such concerns by stating, �What I would hate to see is if such developments were to provoke a reaction and counter-reaction precisely to create a vicious circle of tension and mistrust or distrust."

Sadly this mistrust is already rising. Diplomats in Indonesia, the United States and Australia have all stated publicly that the deployment is not aimed to create further tensions in the region and is purely for humanitarian disaster-management purposes. However, this explanation has generally been met with disbelief in Indonesia, where analysts and observers continue to voice suspicions regarding the motives of the troop deployment.

This situation has had consequences at the grassroots level in Indonesia.

The US troop deployment feeds into the propaganda perpetuated by radical groups in Indonesian that the United States has imperialistic aims when it comes to Indonesia. This could in turn make it more difficult for Indonesian civil society to stand up against exclusive ideologies and promote greater pluralism domestically.

In the Asia Pacific region, many people see diplomatic and political means as being equally important to the end goals. Accordingly, most Indonesians share US interests in the region, but disapprove of using demonstrations of military might to achieve them.

Many Indonesians admire the US government system, business community and culture and have no issue with the American public in general. At the same time they disapprove of some elements of American foreign policy, especially those they see as imposing a double standard when it comes to upholding human rights on the one hand, and business and corporate policies on the other.

Opportunities to truly understand the United States and Americans are only experienced by a minority of Indonesians.

This gap could be overcome if both sides were more sensitive to each others� values and frames of reference. Media and public figures on both sides could refrain from presenting half-baked and poorly informed opinions as fact. Diplomatic approaches between the two governments could encourage more direct cooperation between American and Indonesian citizens at several levels. These could take the form of government, educational and civil society exchanges that would allow Americans and Indonesians to share their experiences of everyday life and see one another with human faces that are kind, fair, friendly and considerate.

Scepticism and mistrust continue to fill the pages of Indonesian papers with regards to US actions in Darwin. But if leaders on both sides can use this as an opportunity to look at the US-Indonesian relationship more carefully, it could result in the building of new connections based on common interests and good will rather than suspicion or fear.

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* Singgih Nugroho is a researcher at PERCIK (The Institute for Social Research, Democracy and Social Justice) in Salatiga, Indonesia and a 2011 participant of the International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP) on Pluralism and Democracy. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 24 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

British Museum exhibit offers visitors a chance to experience Muslim pilgrimage

by Shelina Zahra Janmohamed — Tue, 24 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

London - Qaisra Khan and I are standing in the Round Reading Room of the world-renowned British Museum in London. Around us people are busy installing historic artefacts from the Muslim world relating to the haj, the pilgrimage to Mecca � a principal religious obligation of adult Muslims.

Khan is one of the curators of the exhibit �Hajj: Journey to the heart of Islam�, which will open on the 26th of January at the British Museum. She is visibly excited that those who are not Muslim will finally get to vicariously experience the pilgrimage through this pioneering exhibit. Relics painstakingly gathered from public and private collections from the UK, Saudi Arabia and other parts of the world are on display. Loans from Saudi Arabia include a seetanah, an embroidered cloth that parts in the middle to allow entry into the Kaaba itself when being used. The reds and blues which surround the stitched Arabic calligraphy highlight the richness of the Qur�anic text that adorns the cloth.

The exhibit offers the opportunity to hear about both contemporary and historic pilgrim experiences. My eye is caught by an original map identifying the possible routes for the Hijaz Railway, which was planned by the Ottoman official Haji Mukhtar Bey during his own haj.

On the other side of the hall is a brightly coloured, almost cartoonish image of a group of people. Among them is a pilgrim, standing on the edge of a sandy plane surrounded by intense blue. It is a painting from southern Egypt, where for hundreds of years members of small villages have painted these images to depict the departure of the pilgrims.

When it comes to Muslims, Khan says, "All we hear about is �sharia�, and actually this is one of the few times when there is none of that � it's just about what it is like to be Muslim." Her aspiration is that visitors will be granted this experience.

It is a profound sentiment and one which calls for further reflection: What does it feel like to stand in someone else�s shoes and experience the world from their perspective?

The haj is a primary instance of creating connections with other people by sharing space and time with them. As pilgrimages go, it is not the largest in scale, but it certainly has the most diverse group of participants �bringing together people from over 180 nationalities last year.

Amongst the historic artefacts in the exhibit is a 15th century painting from Shiraz (in modern day Iran) which depicts a throng of people inside the haram, or holy sanctuary, in Mecca. The artist has depicted a sea of humanity with skin tones from black to white and every shade in between.

On the other side of the hall is a photograph from 2009 showing contemporary pilgrims at the desert of Arafat where pilgrims journey for forgiveness. Again, the faces are a portrait of humanity, joined together in their single quest for forgiveness, united by the same simple white clothing, all external differences erased. Any pilgrim who joins can�t help but get to know those from different countries and cultures and in turn be changed by the realisation of their shared humanity.

The British Museum�s haj exhibition attempts to recreate this intense experience by sharing it with a wide audience.

Such co-sharing of space and time is crucial to our development of empathy, and triggers an instinctive willingness to help others. The event of haj is an epic experience, but taking action to create empathy is something that happens on a day-to-day level too. We human beings can create this kind of empathy by supporting others in what they feel is important.

I have seen this in action at a mosque in London, which organised for its congregation to attend midnight mass at Christmas to create bonds with the local Christian community. And when I was living and working in Bahrain, I saw Sunni Muslims show their support and understanding when Shia Muslims commemorated Ashura, a ritual day of mourning, by sending food so that their Shia friends would not be detained by chores on a day of great importance to them.

Sharing experiences is vital to creating emotional bonds and support. Although this exhibition is a historic and cultural enterprise, and refreshingly apolitical, it offers visitors � Muslim or non-Muslim alike � the chance to stand in someone else�s shoes for a moment. And that is something, in our world of unfortunate divisions, which is always to be welcomed.

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* Shelina Zahra Janmohamed is the author of Love in a Headscarf and blogs at www.spirit21.co.uk. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 24 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Egyptians moving past fear through film

by Rasha Dewedar — Tue, 24 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Cairo - In the year following the Egyptian revolution, a newfound freedom of expression is breaking the silence about crucial issues in Egypt that were previously considered taboo. A recently released feature film is a practical example of how art in Egypt can be an effective tool in shaping community awareness and overcoming silence.

Asmaa is the first Egyptian feature film to sympathetically present the unique challenges faced by local AIDS patients.

Written and directed by Amr Salama, this pioneering film aims to promote a greater understanding of those suffering from AIDS and is based on the true story of an ambitious and courageous rural woman. While the average Egyptian is likely to commiserate with those who are ill, they are less likely to do so if someone is diagnosed with AIDS, and a few go so far as to view those carrying the HIV virus as sinners. Asmaa has thus played an important role in fostering dialogue.

Unlike other women in her village, the film�s heroine refuses to quit working after she gets married, but ends up living a shadow-like existence. After going through the painful experience of learning that she has AIDS, depression sets in. Asmaa, who is in her late thirties, is shunned by society and cannot pursue her work. Moreover, she finds she can�t even be scheduled for a necessary surgery because doctors refuse to operate on her for fear of infection. Worst of all, because of the stigma associated with AIDS, she feels she cannot tell her daughter about the disease.

Unfortunately, Asmaa�s fate is not uncommon. According to a report by the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), the stigma surrounding people living with AIDS in Egypt often keeps them from seeking medical care or from openly discussing their HIV status with others. Moreover, AIDS patients and those suspected of HIV infection can be denied health-care, including surgery and medical care when they are giving birth. AIDS patients may also encounter problems in securing housing, employment, insurance, or be restricted from travelling to a foreign country.

The woman whose life provided the inspiration for the film died because she was not allowed to undergo surgery � a decision the film suggests was based on the community and doctors' reluctance to help her. This lamentable circumstance is corroborated by recent EIPR studies, which found that physicians and nurses were often hesitant to provide health services to AIDS patients due to their lack of knowledge about infection control, uncertainty about prevention measures as well as the moral stigma regarding illicit relationships. But by portraying these issues in an honest, humane way the film has helped foster greater dialogue and understanding about the disease.

And in post-revolutionary Egypt, film is not the only venue challenging the stereotypical image of AIDS patients and raising awareness within communities. One significant initiative is The Egyptian Forum to Fight Stigma and Discrimination against People with HIV � the first coalition working on raising awareness about the disease. Formed in 2010, the coalition includes 15 organisations and helps to shed light on discrimination against AIDS patients.

Another encouraging step towards breaking old taboos is a book by Egyptian journalist Ashraf Amin, which was published in March 2011. Letters from Egypt: AIDS Testimonials of Stigma and Discrimination, is a collection of diverse stories from AIDS patients that attempts to humanise those with the disease. It received positive media coverage and generated discussion among individuals of different classes and ages, as well as civil society groups. "I was very touched when a young man in my office who had not been to university told me he was keen to get a copy of the book and we had a thorough discussion about AIDs afterwards. Conversations like these are why I wrote that book", Ashraf Amin explained.

Even so, a degree of self-censorship remains when it comes to the issue of AIDS. Through art and the newfound freedom experienced after the revolution, many Egyptians hope they will continue to overcome old fears and find new ways to creatively speak out about the disease. For the past year, Egyptians have not only been deepening their social and political engagement, but are also reexamining old ways of thinking about human rights and dignity. Naturally, such far-reaching change takes time. But if Egyptians keep up this post-revolutionary momentum, in a few years we will likely see a new Egypt founded on justice and freedom.

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* Rasha Dewedar is an Egyptian journalist with a special interest in gender issues and the Middle East. She is the founder of Egyptianwomenvoice.net. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 24 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Combating hate through unexpected sharing

by Anya Cordell — Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Chicago - Martin Luther King, Jr., the renowned American civil rights activist, said, �Men hate each other because they fear each other, they fear each other because they don�t know each other, and they don�t know each other because they are often separated from each other.� Americans commemorated his legacy on 16 January, a fitting moment to ask, how can we interrupt this cycle?

Reflecting on this question, I recalled my community confronting this issue when my black neighbour was murdered by a white supremacist. For months we convened each night of the week where the murder occurred to walk and talk together. This simple practice became a transformational, ongoing event. It was our response to communal trauma in order to support the family of the victim, reclaim our neighbourhood and reframe our lives in the wake of the shock that hate had interjected.

Two years later the 9/11 attacks exposed trauma and fear laid bare on a global scale. We felt the horrifying reverberations worldwide. Soon we saw fear congeal into stereotyping and generalised suspicion. Initial incidents of hateful backlash were directed at innocent individuals throughout the United States. Bias, bullying, smears and physical harm have continued to target Muslims in particular and to impact others � Sikhs, Hindus, South Asians and Arab Christians � in the United States and beyond. In my work, I became closely connected to the families of innocent men who had been murdered in this backlash. I feel tremendous concern over the virulent voices now reaping profit, votes and notoriety from fomenting bias.

What practical initiatives can heal the all-too-common dynamic King described, which plays out in racism, xenophobia, Islamophobia and other prejudices? Is there something more effective than dialogue, which can easily get bogged down in discord?

I believe the ongoing walks my community enacted, and another initiative called �sharing events�, are more engaging than programs analysing faiths or contrasting cultures, and are more easily orchestrated in communities, schools, universities, organisations and corporations. The simplicity of these initiatives undermines even entrenched separation and misinformation between those of different religions, ethnicities or backgrounds.

Sharing events � which are free and family-friendly�can take place in living rooms, community halls, faith communities, school auditoriums or corporate lunchrooms. In communities, such events can rotate venues monthly. Participants are invited to share music, art, poetry, stories of hopes and dreams, their �work-in-progress�, or even �play-in-progress�, in order to give expression to something moving, personally meaningful or evocative.

At one such event a Bangladeshi American regaled participants with tales of confronting identity while confronting groups-within-groups. Growing up, he was the only brown-skinned Muslim child in his school. He was amazed to learn there were Christians and Jews, not just �whites�; then discovered a local mosque filled with light complexioned Bosnian Muslims. He became adept at humour to break through these divisions. Such �sharings� create surprising portals through which we glimpse the �other� as equally human and discover possibilities for caring and friendship.

Similarly, ongoing walks differ greatly from single marches or annual interfaith walks, which have become commonplace. In my community we learned the advantages of these serial events. They attracted even reticent neighbours, who had hesitated to cross anyone else�s threshold or enter unfamiliar houses of worship. Those not drawn to dialogues or meetings but simply wanting exercise took comfort in walks they could drop in and out of. Yet because the walks were regular and ongoing, unlikely relationships developed.

Most of us hold unacknowledged suspicions or stereotypes of other groups. However, when parents push strollers together and find themselves comparing notes on child-rearing, the fact that one wears a headscarf and another a yarmulke becomes less overwhelmingly divisive. We might even envision becoming allies who are willing to �go out on a limb� for others and imagine them taking similar risks for us.

While it is challenging to create movements or political action campaigns, these initiatives are easily replicated. They can move us toward opportunities in which something interesting and extraordinarily precious takes root between humans, the antidote to disdain and destruction.

In their simplicity these practices elicit the promise of the ideals that King exemplified: that we encounter one another with openness to our essential and common humanity, and acknowledge our shared longing for a world in which we all feel valued and safe.

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* Anya Cordell, recipient of the Spirit of Anne Frank Award, is a Jewish speaker and writer. She is the author of Race: An Open & Shut Case, which unravels traditional presumptions of what we call �race�, named among the �books to change your life� by N�Digo Magazine, and author of the acclaimed piece, �Where the Anti-Muslim Path Leads�. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 17 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Universities first test for Tunisian Constituent Assembly

by Omezzine Kh�lifa — Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Tunis - On 28 November 2011, the Dean of the Department of Letters, Arts and Humanities of Manouba University refused to give in to pressure from a group of protesters using violence to demand that classes be accessible to young women wearing the niqab, or face veil. Faced with this refusal the protestors erected barriers to block the professors and students from their classrooms and prevent classes from taking place. Numerous parents, students and professors quickly moved to protest these actions and defend the institution�s rules.

The preservation of neutrality in public institutions, respect for their rules and the protection of individual freedoms have been up for debate in recent months. The end of the previous regime and subsequent political transition has allowed for greater openness and more public debate on key issues, such as ensuring the rights and freedoms of all Tunisians � including minority groups. The 217 deputies of the recently elected Tunisian Constituent Assembly, which is responsible for writing a new Tunisian constitution, must work together to establish the basis for Tunisian democracy in the coming weeks.

However the Constituent Assembly is already facing serious challenges in the form of a small group using violence as it seeks to impose its vision of society on academic institutions, such as compulsory veiling for female teachers, allowing women to wear the niqab on campus and even separate classes for men and women.

We might see such conflicts in Tunisian universities as the result of a clash between two extremes: that is, a clash between Tunisians who demand policies they believe to be rooted in Islam and others who demand the removal of Islam � and all religions � from the public sphere. That means a separation of religion and state, as well as a ban on religious clothing and symbols in public places. The reality, however, is more complex than that. Such polarisation doesn�t reflect the real views of Tunisian society. The majority of Tunisians are Muslim and do not espouse one extreme or the other. Some are practising, others practise less and some don�t practise at all.

Many say, we are Muslim but our relationship to God is a personal matter, or even say that we don�t need someone else to tell us how to practise our religion. While some might see this as secularism, it�s actually a characteristic of Islam in Tunisia: an open and tolerant Islam where everyone is free to practise their religion as they see fit.

On 10 December, the Constituent Assembly passed its first legislation concerning procedures and regulations of the exercise of executive, legislative and judiciary powers until the constitution is written and new institutions begin work. But recent incidents in universities which show a desire by some to express extreme ideologies are already challenging the balance of individual freedoms and institutional rules.

In Tunisian universities, equality is assured; all students have access to universities regardless of their religion or how they practise it. Currently young women have the right to wear the niqab in the street but in the classroom they must reveal their identity. This practice encourages communication between professors and students and helps with the pedagogic exchanges needed for interactive education. This practise also aims to ensure better security within the university.

Yet the right to protest must also be preserved so that anyone can speak freely if they feel their rights have been violated. On the other hand, Tunisians have had enough violence from both protestors and law enforcement. Each side must therefore find a peaceful way to convey their message to the Constituent Assembly.

News articles, petitions, flash mobs and films that promote awareness and debate are all potentially effective tools to invite dialogue and an understanding of differences � while respecting the rules and rights of institutions. For its part, the assembly must strike a balance between the demands of its diverse constituents in order to create the foundation for the new democratic Tunisia.

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* Omezzine Kh�lifa is an engineer in Computer Science and Telecommunications, activist and was a candidate for the Tunisian Constituent Assembly for the Ettakatol Party. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 17 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Telling stories of Muslims and Christians in Syria

by Stephanie Saldana — Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Jerusalem - Twelve years ago, I travelled to a monastery in the Syrian desert, where I met an Italian priest by the name of Father Paolo Dall'Oglio. For 20 years, he had been living in rural Syria, serving as the abbot of the ancient monastery of Deir Mar Musa. There, he led a community of Arabic-speaking monks and nuns dedicated to prayer, hospitality, manual work and dialogue with Muslims. As I settled in I was astonished to notice Muslims visiting all day, admiring the church frescoes, joining the local Syrian Christians for lunch, even excusing themselves so that they could perform their prayers in a quiet corner of the monastery grounds. I had never seen love between Muslims and Christians embodied so effortlessly, a communion of human beings sharing daily life.

Over the following years I came to know Father Paolo well, and grew accustomed to the Muslims who visited his monastery almost daily. Father Paolo told me stories. He spoke of Muslim sheikhs who came to discuss their faith, of Muslim visitors who arrived bearing gifts � one prominent Muslim artist even sculpted a cross for the monastery � of meals and songs and fears shared between faiths. He quoted the Qur�an as easily as the Bible. To Christians, he told stories of Muslims and their love of Jesus, Mary and the Prophet Mohammed. To Muslims, he told stories of the respect early Muslims had for Christian monks.

Last year, as the crisis in Syria escalated, Father Paolo publicly called for reconciliation in an attempt to avoid civil war. In late November the government issued an order for his expulsion.

For weeks I was haunted by what Father Paolo�s expulsion would mean for Syrian Christians. The conflict in Iraq had already led to the exodus of more than half of the country's Christian population. The threat of a mass exodus in Syria was equally real � for they had been placed in an impossible situation. As minorities protected by the government, local Christians were terrified of a civil war that would leave them vulnerable to Muslim extremists, just as they were frightened that if an Islamic party took control of the country, their rights would no longer be recognised. Yet now the government was demanding they silence themselves and abandon the Christian principle of confronting injustice and working towards peace.

Eventually, Father Paolo was allowed to stay in Syria after he promised that he would not speak about politics.

When I talked to him two weeks ago, the monastery, always crowded, was almost entirely empty.

First I was terrified of his expulsion. Now I am terrified of the conditions that have led to his silence.

It is not up to me to ask the Syrian Christians to stay, but I cannot be silent on the matter of what will be lost should they leave. Nor can I avoid the price of their silence. Much has been written about the destruction of antiquities in Baghdad. Yet as the conflict escalates and becomes sectarian in Syria, something even more precious might be lost there: centuries of stories of Muslims and Christians living together.

These stories were not only Father Paolo's to tell. They are deeply embedded in the culture: tales of the monk Buheira, who tradition says met the Prophet Mohammed in southern Syria; stories about Muslims and Christians visiting the monastery of Seidneyya together to honour Mary or seeking the remains of John the Baptist at the Umayyed Mosque; of meals shared and prayers offered in proximity to one another.

The death toll in Syria mounts. The likelihood of exodus increases. Daily, in our helplessness, we are faced with the question of what we might do.

We can tell stories. Tell a story of Muslims and Christians living together. It may be the smallest form of resistance � and yet resistance it is. It battles the dangerous narrative of Muslims and Christians destined to be at odds with one another. It gives Christians, the receptacles of these stories, a reason to stay in place. It creates and restores in a moment what so many forces seem bent on destroying. It gives voice to those storytellers who now feel compelled to stay silent.

Come, let me tell you a story.

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* Stephanie Saldana is the author of The Bread of Angels: A Journey to Love and Faith, a memoir of her life in Syria. She teaches at Al-Quds Bard College in Jerusalem. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 17 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Are Arab Jews extinct?

by Naava Mashiah — Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Geneva - The growing rift between Israel and the Arab world makes it hard to imagine that Jews and Arabs once coexisted across the Middle East. At one point these identities could be found not only in the same neighborhood, but even in the same person.

Is it an oxymoron to be an Arab Jew? An Arab Jew refers either to a Jew living in the Arab world or whose ancestors came from Arab countries. This term flourished once in the Middle East but is not widely known today. Not long ago there were Jews living in the cities of the Middle East who were integrated into their societies and held influential roles in their communities and economies.

My grandfather, Baba Yona Mashiah, was such a figure in Baghdad. He was, I would say, an Arab
Jew. My childhood was sprinkled with stories of his grand personality, power and business acumen. He was a prominent land and real-estate developer and in the 1940s contributed to building �Baghdad el Jedidah�, a chic neighbourhood in the Baghdad suburbs. His partners were mostly Muslim and some were prominent government officials.

Over the years I have accumulated stories about Baba Yona like pearls on a string and play with these beads, just as he played with the beads on his misbaha,the traditional Muslim prayer beads. My father recalled how he used to accompany my grandfather, who was also known by the Arabic name Abu Fuad, to meetings in caf�s and the respect that people showed him.

Baba Yona was an integrated member of Baghdad society and its business world, yet he was a Jew.

In the 1950s the Jews of Baghdad experienced an exodus from Iraq. A reluctant exodus, I would claim, which was brought about by a combination of increasing Zionism, anti-Semitic propaganda, envy of the privileged life Jews had when Iraq was under British control and the creation of Israel. The displacement of thousands of Palestinians and the humiliating defeat of the Arab armies were the final blow.

Life had become unbearable for the Jews and even those who had wanted to stay were compelled to leave. Jews were assumed to be a fifth column and turned into scapegoats following the defeat of Arab armies by the Israeli Defense Forces. Baba Yona watched his empire crumble. His peer and neighbour, Mr. Addas, another influential Jew, was hung in the square. He himself was imprisoned for three months, accused of having Zionist connections.

At a certain point the Iraqi government offered a deal for Jews, inviting them to escape to Israel if they would renounce their citizenship and relinquish their property. Baba Yona was forced to leave Baghdad with over 100,000 other Jews to the one country that would accept them at the time � Israel. Ironically, the Zionists, whose movement played a part in alienating Muslims from their Jewish compatriots, were there to save them.

So as they were airlifted out of Baghdad, did my nine year-old father know where he was headed? Was it en route to Cyprus and during the eventually landing in Israel that he stopped being an Arab Jew?

In Israel the younger generations became embarrassed by their Arabic-speaking parents. My father, Sabah, was given a Hebrew name, Shaul; but his brother who had arrived in his late teens, too late for a name change, is called Jamil until this very day.

In fact, my father�s Arab identity was totally effaced in Israel. It was a combination of external pressures and self denial. Thus he became successfully integrated into the dominant culture in Israel of that period.

My interest in my Arab roots began about 10 years ago when I established my business, which focuses on economic cooperation between Israel and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Many Israelis asked me why I had chosen to do so. The notion that Israel should forge economic ties with other countries in the MENA region is not self-evident within Israeli society.

Their questions led me to excavate my own identity and connect with my grandfather�s world. I am discovering more and more young Jews like myself who have been able to distance themselves from their parents traumatic experiences and proudly reclaim their Arab roots.

I recall one day when I brought home old records of Abdul Wahab, a famous Egyptian singer, and put them on the phonograph. My father Shaul transformed back to Sabah and sang all the words. He did not understand how I could be interested in this music. My curiosity for the poetry and music is deep-rooted to an extent that baffles him.

Today when I ask my father if my grandfather was an Arab Jew and he proclaims, �No way, there is no such thing�, I beg to differ.

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* Naava Mashiah is CEO of M.E. Links, focused on the transfer of technology from Israel to the MENA region, Senior Consultant at ISHRA and the editor of MEDABIZ. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 17 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

How art is healing post-revolution Egypt

by Sally Zohney — Tue, 17 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Cairo - The revolution drastically transformed everything in the lives of Egyptians. Yet while there has been quite a bit of attention paid to the dramatic political changes, more attention needs to be paid to the cultural and artistic scene that has been taking Egypt by storm since early 2011. Rather than being confined to art galleries or movie screens, this new wave of artistic expression is spilling over into all areas of life and causing previous boundaries to crumble.

Since Mubarak�s removal in February 2011, anyone walking the streets of Cairo might see stencilled graffiti calling for protests and encouraging people to join them. The proliferation of this type of socially-engaged graffiti becomes even more significant in the context of increased control over political participation, including mass arrests of young activists, as well as brutality by police and military forces against protesters and revolutionaries. When you walk now in downtown Cairo and see graffiti portraying a young man or woman, it�s likely that he or she either died in the revolution or was arrested.

But art is not being used only to inform the public, it is also used to bridge divides. Art has always been a successful tool in bringing people together, and this is especially true of Egypt after Mubarak. The revolution broke many boundaries and stereotypes: in the streets, men and women became equals and rich and poor people shared food and slept in the same tents. All demanded equality and justice.

Gradually music, chants, jokes, theatre, poetry and literature began to reflect these new realities. Young revolutionaries started to identify more with the Arabic language, as well as Egyptian culture and identity. The working classes began to feel more important and appreciated; previously marginalised groups saw their problems discussed openly through street songs, videos and community events.

�Tahrir Monologues� is a fine example of revolutionary art and one that I am personally linked to. This independent project uses a series of chronological monologues and aims to recreate the emotions and experiences of different people during the 18 heady days that toppled the Mubarak regime. Conceived by a group of amateur young Egyptians artists, the monologues serve as a cathartic reminder of the uplifting local scene during the uprising. The monologues not only reflect the lives and emotions of the revolutionaries, but also take you through the feelings of very different characters: a young female revolutionary who challenged her family to take the streets, a mother who brought food to the square every night, an artist, an old street vendor, a police officer, young members of the upper class and individuals who felt they had nothing to live for.

As different as they may seem from us, we as audience members learn to identify with each of their stories and motives. By highlighting individual stories from such diverse people, the monologues also treat other social and cultural issues: the limitations on women�s participation in public life, freedom of expression and sectarian tensions between Muslims and Christians. They thus challenge earlier social norms about staying silent on these issues and limiting individual freedom.

Another inspiring project led by a talented group of young artists is the Mars Project, which is now travelling across Egypt visiting communities in the south where young people rarely receive attention, as well as Bedouin groups, in order to hold open-microphone community events which allow everyone to express themselves. Bringing energy, warmth and creativity to the streets, this project encourages people to embrace their national identity regardless of any possibly divisive affiliations. This wave of art is brand new in Egypt, challenging preconceived notions of certain communities or sectors of society that have long been misrepresented despite their rich heritage.

In this newly liberated creative space of post-revolutionary Egypt, artists of all kinds continue to blossom. Beyond mere self-expression or art for art�s sake, the significance of this artistic renaissance is also clearly social and political. It promotes education on a broad scale as well as challenging issues once considered taboo, such as women�s freedom, limits on political participation and the oppression of minorities. In the new Egypt, art is an instrument for social change.

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* Sally Zohney is women�s rights advocate, storyteller, amateur photographer and member of SAWA Egypt and the Tahrir Monologues. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 17 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Speaking out against mosque desecration

by Rabbi Gideon D. Sylvester — Tue, 10 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Jerusalem - Across the world, people were outraged by the news that mosques in Israel had been desecrated and racist graffiti scrawled across their walls. Israeli Jews felt ashamed. We asked ourselves: do the perpetrators have any understanding of Jewish history and theology, � which clearly teach respect for every human being and the necessity of standing up against injustice wherever we see it?

Growing up in the shadows of the Holocaust, I, a young British Jew, learned about Kristallnacht, the night in 1938 when dozens of German synagogues were attacked. In youth groups we discussed how the demonisation of people and the destruction of their religious buildings were a first step to genocide. We proudly proclaimed, "never again" � never again should this happen to Jews; never again should it happen to any other people.

We understood the Biblical requirement for a sovereign Jewish state to care for everyone, including those who do not share our heritage.

Exploring our relationship to other faiths, we discovered that from medieval times, great rabbis taught their followers that Islam is a monotheistic religion whose adherents must be treated with respect. When the great Jewish philosopher, Maimonides, pondered why God had created so many people whose faith differed from his own, he concluded that although God's will is unfathomable, Islam and Christianity seemed to be part of the divine plan to spread ethical monotheism throughout the world.

This liberal approach to other religious traditions was put to the test when the modern state of Israel was declared in 1948. How would the Jewish state treat other faith communities? The first Chief Rabbis of Israel considered the question and ruled unequivocally that according to Jewish law, Muslims and Christians were entitled to full citizenship in the new state. This ruling was affirmed in the Declaration of the State of Israel, which proclaimed that the new country would "uphold the full social and political equality of all its citizens, without distinction of race, creed or sex; will guarantee full freedom of conscience, worship, education and culture; will safeguard the sanctity and inviolability of the shrines and Holy Places of all religions".

Ironically, it was Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook, the first Chief Rabbi of the Holy Land and an icon of the religious Zionist movement, who warned that Jewish nationalism, like any other, contains the inherent dangers of xenophobia. He viewed the embryonic Jewish state as the fulfilment of ancient Biblical prophecies and he was convinced that it would be wondrous, creative and ethical. Still, he warned that unless the new country fulfilled its responsibilities to all its citizens, "it [would] eventually burst the bounds of morality when it oversteps its boundaries".

His warning was apt. A xenophobic philosophy is breeding here which disregards the legitimate rights of Palestinians whose families have lived here for generations. It remains the preserve of a very small sector of Israeli society, but it is dangerous and must be stopped. Beginning with vile, triumphalist rhetoric, which led to attacks on Palestinian olive groves, it has grown into violence against people and mosques. Ironically, the violence is now turning inwards, morphing into attacks on Israeli soldiers whose job it is to maintain law and order, protect settlers and fulfil Israel�s commitment to remove illegal settlements.

Perhaps these developments are just part of a world phenomenon of increasing religious intolerance. Or perhaps they result from frustration at the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza which has not stopped the frequent rocket attacks over the border. Or perhaps it is Israeli fear that Iran has nuclear ambitions and wants to destroy Israel. These are the existential threats which frighten many Israeli Jews and destroy their faith in the possibility of peace. In the light of these, settlers resent the possibility that they will be removed from their homes in return for a chimera of peace.

Regardless of these fears, vigilante actions against innocent civilians, their property and places of worship are immoral, un-Jewish and unacceptable. They stain the name of religious believers and they stain the name of God.

We must denounce religious intolerance and work harder for dialogue and peace. We must urge our leaders to reach a fair settlement with the Palestinians, hastening the time when every inhabitant of this land can live with peace, justice and dignity. This is the vision of our prophets: "They will beat their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning hooks. Nation will not lift up sword against nation, nor will they learn war anymore" (Isaiah 2: 4).

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* Rabbi Gideon D. Sylvester is the British United Synagogue's Rabbi in Israel and directs the Rabbis for Human Rights Beit Midrash program, which studies Jewish perspectives on human rights, at the Hillel House of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 10 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

First mosque part of the heritage of all Canadians

by Daood Hamdani — Tue, 10 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Ottawa - This May, as Muslims mark the twentieth anniversary of the induction of Al-Rashid mosque in Fort Edmonton Park, the country�s largest living history museum, the spotlight will be on the leadership role of Muslim women in this historic event.

Fifty years after they burst onto the front line to help complete the construction of Canada�s first mosque in 1938, Muslim women took over a floundering campaign to save it from demolition. They surprised many by not only preserving this irreplaceable piece of Canadian heritage but enshrining it in the history museum. Al-Rashid, once a bustling hub of community life, started drifting into disrepair after the congregation outgrew it and moved to a new Islamic centre in 1982. Numerous efforts to raise money and find a new location for the old structure failed. Al-Rashid was set for demolition in 1988. Out of options, the Muslim community could only hope for a miracle.

To many, including Canadians of other faiths, the loss of the country�s oldest mosque and a Canadian heritage building was unthinkable. Al-Rashid was more than a place of worship. It was also the story of the struggle, adjustment and integration of early Muslim settlers.

While the community braced itself for the inevitable, the Terrific Twelve, a group of twelve women who belonged to a relatively new and untested organisation, the Canadian Council of Muslim Women (CCMW), which was founded in 1982 to speak for Muslim women, defiantly dug in to save the mosque. Led by Lila Fahlman and Razia Jaffer, founder and president of CCMW respectively, these young, highly educated women of diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds included second-generation Canadians and new immigrants, working moms, full-time homemakers and single professional women.

Their audacity to take on what had thwarted community leaders sparked a buzz. The media was taken by surprise by this �strange twist� because the Terrific Twelve did not fit the stereotype of Muslim women as subservient housewives. Within the Muslim community itself, there were sceptics. Doubts were raised about the ability of a women�s organisation to lead the project. Some called the move na�ve, while others welcomed it.

Unfazed, the women pressed on. Their unyielding resolve won over many naysayers and inspired a dispirited Muslim community. They formed alliances with Canadian mainstream organisations interested in preserving old and unique buildings in order to draw upon their influence, and launched an educational campaign to calm the fears of those who viewed the admission of a mosque into a Canadian history museum as a �foreign intrusion�, emphasising the contribution of Albertans of all faiths in building the mosque and the deep Muslim roots in the country that predate the Canadian Confederation in 1867.

In the end, they prevailed. Funds were raised and conservation authorities agreed that the mosque, as an historic place with heritage value, deserved a place in the history museum. In 1992, a renovated Al-Rashid, repaired to the meticulous standards prescribed for the heritage buildings and restored to its 1938 look with the original furnishings, opened to the public in Fort Edmonton Park amid tributes to the leadership of these remarkable women.

Today, the mosque is a living legacy for all Canadians. Instead of hewing to the old thinking, the Terrific Twelve transformational leaders challenged ingrained attitudes, discarded outdated assumptions and shifted the way local authorities see the collective heritage of all Canadians.

Preserving Al-Rashid was not a Muslim issue, they argued � to the surprise of many Muslims. As a heritage building, it belonged to all Canadians and they shared the obligation to pass their collective heritage to the next generation, undiminished. Their call was heard. Prominent organisations like Fort Edmonton Foundation and the Alberta Historical Society committed funds, making it the only instance that a Muslim religious institution was wholly funded by Canadians with contributions from mainstream organisations.

Simple as this sounds, it was in fact a big leap in thinking and orientation. It made Muslims see themselves as an integral part of the broader society and made all Canadians aware that Canadian heritage is more than just the customs, traditions and artefacts of European sources.

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* Daood Hamdani (hamdani@sympatico.ca) is a pioneer in the study of Muslim Canadians, faculty member of the Canadian Muslim Leadership Institute and author of �The Al-Rashid: Canada�s First Mosque 1938� and �In the Footsteps of Canadian Muslim Women 1837-2007�. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 10 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication.

To save traditional Indonesian dance, allow change

by Marzuki Hasan — Tue, 10 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Jakarta - In November 2011, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) officially added Indonesia�s Saman Gayo, a sitting dance from the Gayo Lues district of Aceh, to the UNESCO List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Urgent Need of Safeguarding. While other �intangible� Indonesian cultural traditions � including batik textiles and wayang puppet theatre � have already been recognised as part of the country�s cultural heritage, Saman Gayo is the first to carry the stipulation that parties to the matter consider implementing urgent measures to keep it alive.

As an Indonesian and a teacher of Acehnese dance, I am proud that Saman Gayo has been acknowledged by UNESCO. However, I am equally worried that instead of keeping this dance alive, Saman Gayo�s new status will unintentionally lead to its stagnation and decline if it becomes associated only with a specific historical time and place, rather than becoming a living tradition that can reach many groups of people.

Saman Gayo is performed by a group of men sitting in a tight row who execute various coordinated hand and upper-body movements accompanied by music. Saman Gayo is unique from other sitting dances as it is performed using the Gayo language and costumes instead of those of coastal Acehnese. In Indonesia, such dances often incorporate Islamic themes in their song lyrics.

UNESCO reasoned that Saman Gayo is in need of urgent safeguarding because of the declining number of leaders with knowledge of Saman Gayo, a dearth of skilled dancers and a lack of funds for performances � all of which have resulted in the decreasing frequency of presentations of the dance.

The Indonesian Minister of Tourism and Creative Economy, Mari Elka Pangestu, spoke in support of the initiative in November, saying: �We are worried that if [Saman Gayo] is not registered immediately, another nation may claim it as theirs [...] To prevent [this], the dance must be acknowledged, preserved and promoted.� While Pangestu wants Saman Gayo to be recognised and protected, she also has an interest in Saman Gayo being recognised as distinctly Indonesian.

I question the idea that in order for an art form to remain a vital, living tradition, it must be limited to a single region or set of rules. Indeed, this very purism can lead to stagnation, decay and even the eventual extinction of cultural traditions.

Indeed, if we look at Saman Gayo in the wider context of Acehnese dance, we find two sitting dances from Aceh � Saman Gayo and Ratoh Duek � whose origins are only a few dozen kilometres apart, yet that have followed very different paths. Unlike Saman Gayo, the global success and popularity of Ratoh Duek, which is traditionally performed in Acehnese by women, is not dependent on any special international status, but by its popularity at the grassroots.

Since the 1960s, sitting dances including Saman Gayo, have been performed in large cities like Jakarta, Medan and Yogyakarta. However, Ratoh Duek has been the most popular and widely performed of these dances thanks to the support of dedicated Acehnese artists, schools, universities, NGOs and governments. But this popularity is due primarily to the dance�s appeal to youth groups, who have made it a popular extracurricular activity across the archipelago. Moreover, its popularity is not limited to Indonesia. Various international educational and cultural institutions have studied it, often travelling to Indonesia to learn from local teachers.

One of the keys to Ratoh Duek�s popularity has been the dance�s openness to hybridisation. New costumes, songs and variations on movement have been incorporated to performances that reflect global values, along with a shift to mixed-gender dance troupes. Ratoh Duek expresses Islamic messages in its song lyrics, but its main appeal is its focus on harmony and teamwork. Indeed, Ratoh Duek has become so popular that it is now also performed by non-Muslims, a rarity in today�s divided world.

Ratoh Duek has proved a uniting force. Before migrating outside of Aceh, it provided a common activity for people of different families, villages or social statuses to participate in together. Today, youth from different ethnic, gender, religious and national backgrounds sit side-by-side and perform the dance on stages around the world.

Those who worry that Saman Gayo is �endangered� and in need of urgent safeguarding should learn from Ratoh Duek, which has not only been �preserved� but has thrived, in large part by being open to change. If we truly want to ensure Saman Gayo�s vitality and survival, we must allow one of Indonesia�s great traditions to adapt.

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* Marzuki Hasan is a lecturer at the Jakarta Institute of the Arts. He is also a singer, dancer and choreographer who has taught many Acehnese dances for over 50 years. Examples of Saman Gayo can be viewed here. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 10 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication

Being a Muslim and being a feminist are not mutually exclusive

by Fatemeh Fakhraie — Tue, 10 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Portland, Oregon - People, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, often tell me that I can�t be both a Muslim and a feminist. At a recent book reading in Oregon, for example, a male audience member asked me, �How does that even work?� These questions demonstrate some of the rigid misconceptions individuals have about Islam and feminism; many people think that they�re mutually exclusive categories. In fact, as a Muslim feminist, I have found them to have more in common than people realise, especially when it comes to social justice.

Ethos � the fundamental spirit that guides my faith� is more important to me than edicts, or strict dogma, and so when religious questions arise, I defer to big-picture themes. One of Islam�s major themes is that of equity and justice. The Qur�an details equitable divorce proceedings, fair treatment of orphans and just conduct when it comes to prisoners of war � situations that differ in details and circumstances in our modern times, but which are often fraught with unfairness and injustice. When I read the holy book, the themes of justice and dignity for humanity stand out to me.

These themes are the same ideals I take from feminism. Some assume that feminism is concerned only with the protection and advancement of women. But as a bi-racial Muslim woman, I can�t ignore the ways that different socially constructed categories, such as gender and race, interact and interrelate. My feminism is concerned with the dignity and rights of every person. Regardless of gender, race, religion, ability, or anything else, we all deserve to have control over our own destinies, earn equal compensation for our work and have the same chances at happiness and success.

For these reasons, I don�t see contradictions between Islam and feminism at the big-picture level. There are echoes of Islam and feminism in each other; though Islam is about submission to God, an important facet of that is submission to what�s just. Thus, both Islam and feminism guide my outlook and my work.

In 2007, I founded Muslimah Media Watch, a website dedicated to critiquing global media images of Muslim women. I also write for Racialicious, which looks at pop culture and race, and an alumnus of the American Muslim Civil Leadership Institute, which works with civic leaders in the American Muslim community. I use my writing and editing skills as a way to advocate for what I believe is right.

There�s a wealth of scholarship on Islam and feminism. Margot Badran, an author and academic, has published extensively on Muslim women and Islamic feminism. In an article for Egypt�s Al-Ahram Online, she wrote, �Islamic feminism, which derives its understanding and mandate from the Qur'an, seeks rights and justice for women, and for men, in the totality of their existence�. Islamic feminism advocates women's rights, gender equality, and social justice using Islamic discourse as its paramount discourse, though not necessarily its only one.�

Academics aren�t the only ones blending Islam and feminism in their lives and viewpoints. Dr. Amina Wadud is an Islamic scholar who has written several books on Islam from a feminist perspective, as well as an activist who works to break rigid roles for women in the mosque by leading prayer.

Sisters in Islam, a non-profit group of Muslim women in Malaysia, advocates within legal and media frameworks for women�s and children�s legal and social rights within Malaysia. A student-owned independent network, Mideast Youth, embarks on projects using digital media that fight for the rights of marginalised groups in predominantly Muslim countries to �amplify diverse and progressive voices advocating for change throughout the Middle East and North Africa�. These people and organisations understand that egalitarian scholarship and ideas are essential to battling different types of oppression on the ground.

Writing and engaging with the media through Muslimah Media Watch has been my biggest step in blending my Islam and feminism. There are plenty of different ways to be Muslim and feminist: people write, rally around causes and live out feminist interpretations of the Qur�an. But one thing is for sure: Islam and feminism are not mutually exclusive.

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* Fatemeh Fakhraie is an editor, author and blogger who writes from her perspective as an Iranian-American Muslim woman. She is the founder and former editor-in-chief of Muslimah Media Watch. You can follow her at http://fatemehfakhraie.com/ and @fatemehf. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 10 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication

Akbar Ahmed�s interfaith mission, in poetry and prose

by Mark Scheel — Tue, 10 Jan 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Shawnee Mission, Kansas - Praising Ambassador Akbar Ahmed�s new book of poetry, Suspended Somewhere Between: A Book of Verse, Greg Mortenson, author of Three Cups of Tea, opined, �Anyone wanting to understand Islam today must read Akbar Ahmed�s collection. We are given rare glimpses into the dilemmas, pain and despair but ultimately love and hope of Muslims through the verses of this true renaissance man.� In a world that all too often seems fractured along religious and cultural lines, Ahmed's work provides an important model of what can be accomplished through interfaith understanding.

At a recent tour stop at the University of Missouri-Kansas City promoting his book, Ahmed, Ibn Khaldun Chair of Islamic Studies at American University in Washington, DC and former Pakistan Ambassador to the UK, explained that his life experiences, given artistic expression in this poetry collection, ��reflect our situation today as we increasingly appear suspended somewhere between cultures, places, peoples, and periods in time.� One of humankind�s greatest challenges moving forward will be the quest for tolerance and mutual accommodation amongst all peoples and nations. And Ahmed reiterated his long-term commitment to that quest by promoting interfaith dialogue and bridge building among peoples of differing ethnicities and religious beliefs.

Described by the BBC as �the world�s leading authority on contemporary Islam�, Ahmed is also the First Distinguished Chair of Middle East and Islamic Studies at the US Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland and a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, a think tank in Washington, DC. These positions stand as a testament to his dedication in joining with leaders of other faiths to promote cooperative efforts and ventures in religious harmony and interfaith understanding.

In his 2007 book Journey into Islam: The Crisis of Globalization Ahmed chronicles his experiences leading a team of young Americans on a tour of the three major regions of the Muslim world: the Middle East, South Asia and East Asia. They administered detailed questionnaires to Muslims in each nation and sat through seminars, luncheons and casual conversations, engaging in candid exchanges about religious, political and cultural differences as well as discussing areas where they could potentially find common ground.

That effort led to a similar project with young Americans called Journey into America in which his team travelled to more than 75 cities and 100 mosques seeking to understand the largely unexamined Muslim community in the United States. The study produced a film which has been shown at campuses and film festivals worldwide, as well as a book, Journey into America: The Challenge of Islam, published by Brookings Institution Press in 2010. As summarised on the Journey into America website, the study �explores and documents how Muslims are fitting into U.S. society, seeking to place the Muslim experience in the U.S. within the larger context of American identity. In doing so, it is a major contribution to the study of American history and culture.�

Employing different media to explore his message of peaceful coexistence, Ahmed has also ventured into drama and had his play Noor, which was described in the Washington Post as �a paean to religious tolerance�, performed on numerous stages. The story line relates the abduction of a young woman named Noor and her three brothers � a Sufi, a secular government bureaucrat, and a fundamentalist � who represent currents inside modern Muslim communities as Ahmed perceives them.

In the preface to his poetry collection Ahmed declares, �I have travelled much, seen much, suffered much and much have I enjoyed the people I met and the places I visited.� In the closing poem, titled �What is it that I seek?�, we are offered a compelling summary in verse as to what leads to interfaith understanding and acceptance among those people encountered in his life�s travels:

�It is God�s greatest gift
It raises us high above
It is the bridge over the rift
It is love, love, love�

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* Mark Scheel is a writer and former editor based in Shawnee Mission, Kansas. He is presently writing a novel dealing with interfaith themes. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 10 January 2012, www.commongroundnews.org. Copyright permission is granted for publication